12月3日，至少16名廣東勞工權利工作者被警方帶走、抄家或問話，截至發稿時，仍有八人被警方控制。這七人包括四名勞工機構負責人，廣州市「番禺 打工族服務部」負責人曾飛洋、佛山市「南飛雁社會工作服務中心」負責人何曉波、廣州「海哥勞工服務部」（原廣東勞維律師事務所工人培訓部）負責人陳輝海和 番禺區「勞動者互助小組」負責人彭家勇，以及四名與這些機構有工作聯繫的人士，朱小梅、何明輝、三木（化名）、鄧小明、孟晗。其中陳輝海處於軟禁狀態，可 聯繫上但被警方控制不知名地點，其他人均失聯。
資深廣東勞工權利工作者肖魏（化名）指出，此次波及的人員全都曾在「番禺打工族服務部」工作，另外據他了解，針對曾飛洋的調查已經持續了一段時間： 大約一周之前，廣州市荔灣區逢源街環衛工罷工，獨立工人新聞平台「錘子之聲」的編輯王福菊在旁圍觀被傳喚，當時曾飛洋也在現場，王出來後小魏得知她被問及 的都是關於曾的內容，而曾飛洋也向小魏表示自己可能會很快被抓。
肖魏說：「這次很明顯是有比較高級的統籌布局。從一些朋友被問話的內容可以看出，當局是要把實際上幾個各自獨立的勞工機構『證明為』由曾飛洋為首的 一個集團，很有可能以此加大監控力度。」他認為，這次對廣佛兩地勞工機構的打擊，布局已久，「向陽花」、「南飛雁」從年中就被要求注銷註冊：「這是當局在 經濟形勢下滑，試圖加大社會控制力度的表現，表面上是打擊勞工機構，實質是在打擊工人的運動。曾、駱、陳、彭的機構都是以積極的姿態推進工人集體談判，當 局打擊他們的機構，其實也是當局對工人集體談判的合法訴求說不。」
廣東勞工NGO（其他地方幾乎沒有較有行動力的勞工組織）受到警方的密切關注和打壓早已不是新聞，經濟形勢的持續滑坡也暗示著工人運動增多的可能， 但近期並沒有大規模的罷工事件，勞工組織的活動也並不活躍，現有的勞工組織也遠遠沒有組織跨區域罷工的跡象和能力，警方此時大面積「動手」，出乎許多人的 意料。
另一方面，廣東最近其實相當「熱鬧」，一些具有全國影響力的案件被處理。11月19日，聲援香港佔中後被捕的謝文飛、王默涉嫌「煽動顛覆國家政權」 案在一年多後在廣州中院開庭審理；11月27日，2013年初街頭聲援《南方周末》後當年8月被捕，關押已超過兩年、開庭後遲遲沒有結果的郭飛雄、孫德勝 「聚眾擾亂公共場所秩序」案宣判，郭飛雄匪夷所思地被法官親自罪加「尋釁滋事」一條，共判六年，孫德勝判兩年半；在2013年更早被抓的「南方街頭運動」 人士劉遠東，在同日宣判獲刑3年。
從去年底「佔中」系列案開始，政權安保已從各地為政的「維穩模式」轉向統一部署的「國安模式」，並逐步正式投入運轉。今年針對民間的打擊應當說是從 3月7日的女權案正式開始的，4月女權五姐妹獲釋後，她們部分人所在的反歧視機構「益仁平」被外交部「點名」違法；5、6月有多家與「益仁平」相關的反歧 視機構被調查、部分負責人被抓，各地有大量NGO被騷擾和要求注銷；賈靈敏案5月開庭，唐荊陵案6月開庭；同時屠夫吳淦和山東訪民被抓，「維權模式」大案 初現端倪；7月著名的「709律師大抓捕」正式爆發，各種動作延燒到8月。
8月中到11月，對於飽經「戰火」的民間似乎比較消停，但最高權力仍「忙著」卻是顯而易見。8月是緊鑼密鼓的閱兵準備期，北京全城乃至全國幾進入 「戒嚴」狀態；9月閱兵後緊接著就是訪美和出席聯合國大會；從美洲回來沒消停幾天，就開始了歐洲五國訪問和訪英；10月23日訪英結束，11月上旬大概是 最適合用「暴風雨前的平靜」來形容的時刻（也不是真正的平靜，公安部11月14日宣稱新疆特警經過56日追擊，近日對當地恐怖分子發動「總攻擊」，擊殺一 批恐怖分子）……然後「民間清場」從南方開始繼續。
By Zhao Sile(赵思乐)
On December 3rd, at least 19 labour rights workers in Guangdong were taken away or questioned, or have their homes raided by the police. Up till the publication deadline, ten people were still under the control of the police. Among them, 4 people are person-in-charge of labour rights organizations, including Zeng FeiYang(曾飞洋) of Guangzhou’s Panyu Service Department for Peasant Workers(番禺打工族服务部); He Xiaobo(何晓波), from Foshan Nanfeiyian Social Service Centre(南飞雁社会工作服务中心); Chen Huihai(陈辉海), from Guangzhou’s Haige Labour Service Center(海哥劳工服务部)(previously Guangdong Weiquan Lawyer Firm Workers Training Unit, 广东劳维律师事务所工人培训部); and Peng Jiayong(彭家勇) from Panyu’s Laborer Mutual Aid Group(劳动者互助小组). The other 6 people, including Zhu Xiaomei(朱小梅), Tang Jian(汤建), Xin Minyan(辛敏妍), Chen Yingying(陈莹莹), Deng Xiaoming(邓小明), and Meng Han(孟晗), are related to the above-mentioned organizations because of their works. Among them, Chen Huihai is under house arrest and can be contacted, but is under the control of the police at an unknown place. The other people cannot be reached.
When the police raided the house of Zeng FeiYang’s ex-colleague, they showed a document that says “The authority is investigating Zeng and company’s actions of gathering the crowds to disturb social and public order." And when they raided He Xiaobo’s home, they told his wife that He Xiaobo is suspected of duty encroachment. Labour rights activists in Guangdong analysed the situation, and said it is very likely that this wave of suppression would be aiming for Zeng and He at the end.
In the evening of Dec 3rd, Zeng、He and Zhu Xiaomei’s families received a formal arrest warrant.
Ye(pseudonym), a seasoned labour rights worker in Guangdong, pointed out that the people affected by this wave of suppression have all worked in Panyu Service Department for Peasant Workers. According to his knowledge, the investigation on Zeng has been going for quite some time. About one week ago, a strike by sanitation workers happened at Guangzhou’s Liwan District Fengyuan Street. Wang Fuju(王福菊), the editor of the independent news platform for workers, The Voice of Hammer(锤子之声), was observing the strike and was taken away by the police. Zeng was also there when the strike happened. After Wang was released, her colleagues learned that the questions she was asked were all related to Zeng. Zeng once told Ye that he expected himself to be arrested in the near future.
Ye said, “It is very apparent that these actions are carefully planned. Our friends were questioned, and according to the contents of the questions, the authority is trying to ‘prove’ that the individual independent labour rights organizations are all under a group leaded by Zeng, and use that as an excuse to increase the intensity of surveillance and control."
Looking at these suppressions against labour rights organizations in Guangdong and Foshan, Ye thought that the authority had started planning for it a long time ago. Sunflower Female Workers Center(向阳花女工中心) and Nanfeiyian had been asked to cancel their organization registration since the middle of the year. “These showed that the authority is trying to increase its control over the society during an economic downturn. It looks like an attack on the labour organizations on the surface, but actually they are trying to suppress the labour movement. Zeng, He, Chen and Peng’s organizations are all actively pushing for collective bargaining. When the authority attacks these organizations, they are in fact saying ‘no’ to the worker’s legal rights to collective bargaining at the same time."
He added: “China’s economic downturn has expressed itself in the form of decreasing exports, and hardships experienced by the steel and coal industry. This is a manifestation of China’s structural contradiction of excessive productive capacity, which was caused by the country’s long-standing export-oriented economic policy. Many people analysed that the real economic winter would arrive next year, and when it comes I believe the authority would increase the intensity of social control even further, and keep attacking the civil society."
It is no news that labour rights NGOs in Guangdong(it seems that outside of Guangdong, there are not too many labour organizations that are relatively proactive) are under the tight scrutiny of and frequently attacked by the police. The economic downturn also means that the workers may fight for their rights more frequently. However, there were no large-scale strikes recently. Also, the labour organizations are not active, and they are far from having the capacity and tendency to organize strikes that encompass different geographic regions. Given that the situation is relatively calm, it is surprising to many people that the police would take such a large-scale offensive at this moment.
From another perspective, however, Guangdong is actually quite “lively" at the moment. On Nov 19th, the trial of Xie Wenfei(谢文飞) and Wang Mo(王默), who were charged with “inciting subversion of state power" after they showed supports to Hong Kong’s Occupy Central Movement, finally commenced in the Guangzhou Intermediate Court, more than one year after their arrests. On Nov 27, after a long wait since their first trial, Guo Feixiong(郭飞雄)and Sun Desheng(孙德胜), who were being charged with “gathering the crowds to disturb social and public order", were finally sentenced. They were arrested in August 2013 for showing support to Southern Weekly (a.k.a Southern Weekend) publicly at the start of the year, and had been locked up by the authority for more than two years. To the puzzlement of everyone, the judge decided to personally add “affray" to the list of crimes that Guo was being charged, and sentenced him to six years in prison. Sun was sentenced to two and a half years in prison. Liu Yuandong(刘远东), who participated in the Southern Street Movement and who was arrested even earlier in 2013, were sentenced to three years in prison on the same day.
Why, then, does the authority think now is the time to deal with the thorns in its side that are the labour organizations, and the democracy advocates the authority has been putting aside? Why does it decide to deal with the two forces at the same time at this particular moment, after such a long delay?
Since the cases related to Occupy Central started last year, the authority’s security system had changed its mode of operation. Before, it was in “stabilization mode", in which the local authorities decide what they should be doing. After that, the system started changing into “national security mode", in which the national government is centrally organizing and coordinating the whole country’s security measures. It is probably correct to say that this year’s suppressions on the civil society began with the attack on the “Feminist 5″ who were involved in an action on March 7th. In April, after the Feminist 5 were released, Yi Ren Ping(益仁平), the anti-discrimination organization that some of them were involved in, was picked out and declared illegal by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. During May and June, quite a few anti-discrimination organizations that are related to Yi Ren Ping were investigated, with some of the persons-in-charge taken away, and many NGOs were harassed and asked to cancel their registrations. The trial of Jia Lingmin(贾灵敏)’s case started in May, while that of Tang Jingling(唐荆陵)’s commenced in June. At the same time, Wu Gan, also known as “Super Vulgar Butcher" on the Internet, and the petitioners from Shandong were caught. From these incidents, we started to catch a glimpse of the big cases under “national security mode". Then the famous “July 9th Crackdown" on lawyers erupted, which lasted until August.
From the mid-August to November, it seemed that the situation had calmed down a little bit for the civil society which had been “under fire", but it is also obvious that the authority was still very “busy". In August, the government was busily preparing for the military parade, with the whole Beijing and, in fact, the whole country virtually under martial law. Following the parade in September, the authority visited USA and participated in the United Nation Assembly. A few days after visiting America, the government started the visits to five European countries and Britain, which ended on October 23rd. Perhaps the best description for the first half of November is “the calm before the storm"(Actually that was not really the case, as the Public Security Bureau declared on November 14th that after a 56-day-long offensive, the Special Police Unit of Xinjiang had started an all-out assault on the terrorists and killed a lot of them.) — maybe it only took them a few internal notices to re-ignite the crackdown on the civil society, starting from the South.
It is like a person was cleaning up the house, but it was time to visit a few friends, so he dropped the task at hand, closed the door(the human rights lawyers were not allowed to leave the country) and went outside. After he went home, he on one hand pressed the “clean" button on the cleaning robot, and on the other hand threw the properly-handled and well-contained garbage away.
It seems that the authority is not administering the country; it is administering its home. Or maybe it does not know the differences between the two. A totalitarian regime has its own agenda(OK, not “agenda", since there is actually nothing to discuss. It should be called “arrangement".); if a totalitarian regime sees anything or anybody or any events in its home that it does not like, it treats them as garbage that is to be disposed of. What is more terrifying is that a totalitarian regime cannot stop from doing it: it maintains its sense of security and existence through removing things it does not like.
Civil rights organizations were removed, independent research institutes were removed, anti-discrimination organizations were removed, human rights lawyers were removed, grassroot activists were removed, and now it is the labour organizations’ turn…… six or twelve months later, what we will see is only an unending piece of whiteness.
中國近年一邊在國內強調『法治』，一邊對外強調文明和平崛起，執法部門卻濫用權力，以暴力和拘禁的手段打壓工人維權活動和恐嚇勞工機構，遏止中國工人實現勞動三權。關注勞工權利的團體及個人呼籲中國政府︰1. 立即無條件釋放所有被拘留的勞權人士2. 停止打壓勞工機構、工人維權代表及公民社會人士3. 尊重及保障憲法賦予公民社會的發展空間與自由
Ng Yiu Kui
Kwan Liang 非政府組織工作者
At least four labour activists remain in criminal detention following a recent crackdown on labour organisations.
From 3 – 5 December, labour NGOs based in Guangdong province were targeted in a harsh and unexpected wave of detentions. At least four labour NGOs have been targeted and 25 NGO staff and volunteers have been detained and questioned by police, seven of whom either remain in detention or cannot be contacted. These include Panyu Workers’ Centre director Zeng Feiyang and staff member Zhu Xiaomei; Foshan Nanfeiyan Social Work Services Organization director He Xiaobo; labour activists Peng Jiayong, Deng Xiaoming, Meng Han, and Tang Jian. Four individuals – Zeng Feiyang, He Xiaobo, Zhu Xiaomei and Deng Xiaoming – are confirmed as being in detention.
The Chinese government purports to advance the “rule of law” within its borders and promotes the idea of a civilized and peaceful rise internationally. However, local governments abuse their power, using violence and arrests to repress and intimidate labour organizations, preventing Chinese workers from pursuing fundamental labour rights, including freedom of association and the right to strike and collective bargaining.
As organisations and individuals working labour rights, we call on the Chinese government to:
1. Immediately release all the aforementioned detained labour activists
2. Stop suppressing labour activists, labour organisations and civil society organisations.
3. Respect and protect the development and freedom of civil society as prescribed by China’s Constitution.
Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions
Co-signed by (Organisations, listed in no particular order)
Asia Monitor Resources Center
China Labour Bulletin
League of Social Democrats
Neighbourhood and Worker Service Centre
Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehaviour
Red Balloon Editorial Group
Catering And Hotels Industries Employees General Union
Labour Action China
HKCTU Social Welfare Organizations Employees Union
Coach Drivers Union
Cleaning Service Industry Workers Union
Hong Kong Women Workers Association
Personal And Community Services Workers General Union
Community Care and Nursing Home Workers General Union
Construction Site Workers General Union
Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions
Co-signed by (Individuals)
Valerie Nichols 非政府組織工作者
Ng Yiu Kui
Kwan Liang NGO worker
(The list is manually updated)
更多關於被拘捕的中國勞權人士資訊 For more information, please refer to
今年六月初，利華成衣集團分廠—深圳觀瀾鎮慶盛服飾皮具廠在沒有正式通知工人關廠及妥善安置工人的情況下，秘密搬走生產設施，觸發900多名工友於六月九日發起罷工。工人為防止廠方搬空廠房日夜守廠，罷工至今已超過一個月。同時，不少工人已在工廠工作超過10年， 工廠卻一直沒有依法為工人繳納養老金。當中數以百計的工人已接近法定退休年齡，為此他／她們感到極為徬徨無助。除了守廠外，工人亦曾在廠內絕食抗議，又多 次發出公開信，要求廠方與工人代表進行平等的集體談判，共商解決問題的方法。然而，廠方沒有理會工人誠懇急切的訴求，更在公司聲明中聲稱已與工人進行談 判，欺騙公眾，事實上廠方所謂的「談判」只為與工人的單獨會面，並沒有尊重工人所提出舉行集體談判的訴求。由於工廠態度惡劣，108名 工人於六月廿九日前往廣東省信訪廳上訪。工友被迫在酷熱天氣下露宿廣州街頭，最後卻被深圳公安強行押回深圳。罷工工人之一吳偉花自六月起已被拘留超過一個 月，近日更被公安部門以「妨礙公務」罪名正式逮捕。然而，慶盛的老闆利華製衣集團不但置之不理，還於七月八日在廠內發出通知要求工人必須立即離開廠區，否 則將斷水斷電亦關閉廠門。
利華製衣集團是優衣庫的代工廠，自罷工發生以來，優衣庫母公司迅銷集團曾在六月十七日發出聲明，表示對罷工事件極為關心，指該公司一直以來極為重視工人勞動人權及勞動環境等事宜。但事實上，早於本年一月，由大學師生監察無良企業行動(SACOM)、中國勞動透視(LAC)及日本團體HUMAN RIGHTS NOW (HRN)合作推出的《2014優 衣庫中國供應商調查報告》，已充分揭露優衣庫通過犧牲工人的權益以壓低生產成本來製造「價廉物美」的產品。我們認為如果優衣庫真的關心勞動人權，首先必須 協助慶盛工人吳偉花無罪釋放，並立即介入事件，嚴正督促利華賠償慶盛工人遣散費及補繳多年欠交的社保供款。若工廠沒有足夠財力，每年賺取巨利的品牌公司應 該負擔相關費用。我們要求優衣庫不要再一味紙上談兵，單靠聲明來逃避責任，應該以實際行動向利華施壓，責成工作妥善處理事件，以，兌現其企業社會責任的承 諾。
三、協 助工人吳偉花無罪釋放。 二零一五年七月十三日
Uniqlo is one of the fastest-growing fashion brands of the last decade. The brand has 1,621 stores around the globe. In China alone, it has experienced explosive growth, opening nearly 400 stores in just a few years. Uniqlo products are well-known for low prices, trendy looks and high functionality. However, 70% of them are made by Chinese garment workers who work long hours every day under dismal working conditions. Regrettably, Uniqlo, as the biggest Asian garment brand with plenty of resources and knowledge, refuses to fulfil its corporate social responsibility, repeatedly turning a blind eye to the malpractices of its supplier Hong Kong-owned Lever Style Inc. These malpractices include allowing Shenzhen Artigas Clothing and Leather (hereinafter Artigas), the factory managed by Lever Style Inc., to shut down its factory by secretly removing equipment and machines while denying severance payments and the payment of social insurance in arrears to affected workers. We as labour rights concern groups have been keeping close watch on this case and are very disappointed and angry at how Uniqlo is handling the issue.
Early this June, Artigas, located in Guanlan Township, Shenzhen, removed equipment and machines from its factory without official announcement to or negotiation with workers. This sparked a strike by over 900 Artigas workers on 9 June. Workers occupied the factory plants around the clock to prevent factory management from secretly removing the rest of the equipment and machines from the premises. Many Artigas workers have worked over 10 years at the plant, but the factory has never paid their legally-mandated pension contributions. This led to frustration for many workers, as over 100 of them are reaching retirement age. Some workers even launched a hunger strike in the factory. Workers expressed their wishes in open letters to the factory, demanding fair and collective negotiations with factory management to discuss and resolve the issue in a constructive manner. However, Artigas ignored the sincere request by workers and instead released a false statement claiming it had already arranged negotiations with workers. In truth, the so-called negotiations were meetings with individual workers, not the collective negotiation requested by workers. 108 Artigas workers therefore travelled to Guangzhou, the capital city of Guangdong province, to send their petition to the Bureau for Letters and Calls of Guangdong Province on 29 June, yet did not get any response from the Bureau. Workers were forced to stay in the street in high temperature. One week later, they were violently sent back to Shenzhen by Shenzhen police.
Striker Wu Weihua has been detained since early June. After one month of detention, she has now been charged with obstructing official business. Lever Style Inc. continues to ignore the situation and issued an official announcement on 8 July asking all Artigas workers to leave the factory, threatening to cut water and power supply and close down the factory.
As Lever Style Inc. is Uniqlo’s supplier, the brand and its parent company Fast Retailing bear responsibility for ensuring the wellbeing of the workers who produce their products. Fast Retailing released a statement on 17 June, claiming to care about the issue faced by the workers and to be committed to human rights and appropriate working conditions at all of their manufacturing plants. However, according to a joint report by Hong Kong-based Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehaviour (SACOM), Labour Action China (LAC) and Tokyo-based Human Rights Now (HRN), the labour rights abuses proliferate at the Chinese suppliers of Uniqlo’s cheap and trendy products. We urge Uniqlo to demonstrate its care for workers by securing Wu Weihua’s release and the dismissal of charges against her, and by intervening in the issue immediately by asking Lever Style Inc. to immediately pay severance payments and the social insurance contributions owed to workers. Fast Retailing, which makes huge profits every year off Uniqlo’s sales, should take responsibility for settling all payments still owed if these are beyond Lever Style Inc.’s capacity. We urge Fast Retailing to stop making empty promises, to start taking real action to correct the malpractices of Lever Style Inc., and to settle the labour dispute with respect to workers and fulfil their corporate social responsibility.
We again demand Uniqlo and its parent company Fast Retailing, Artigas’ biggest buyer, to
2015 年 2 月尾,政府公佈新一年財政預算案,雖然早預料到不會太關心我們這些小市民,但也要知道有甚麼「大石」「碌緊落嚟」(壓下來)。我們花了些時間,做了個小總結。
看新聞,政府在預算案中預留 500 億公帑,作為長者退休保障用。記得去年有民間團體、政府學者講「全民養老金」,好像一開始同樣是要 500 億。那麼政府是否要推行全民養老金?
財爺鬍鬚曾在預算案,聲稱全民養老金這類計劃「隨付隨支」,怕難以維持,只是見好多人關心全民養老金,就話會預留 500 億日後做相關事情。
政府成日講人口老化,話不夠錢用,但到現在仍然從未講有乜計劃去解決人口老化問題,至今只話有「500 億」,無講點用。結構財赤問題只係有儲錢, 完全唔講錢點用、點批。
有個街坊 叫美鳳 今年44歲
俗語有云 男大當婚 女大當嫁
阿媽話 女仔人家 當然嫁戶好人家
就係咁 不情不願下 咁就嫁左落黎
轉眼20後 老公中風 只好靠雙手發圍
但面對世界 頓覺無力 見工老細見佢面上皺紋叫佢返歸等消息
蛋都冇隻 仲要返工 令老公冇面
佢心諗男主外 女主内 嘅定律係咪一成不變
背住個仔 匿係廁所 偷泣下點煙
轉載自：草根. 行動. 媒體
這一集由本地的環保姨姨清潔合作社姐姐們合力演出, 介紹美國的清潔合作社經驗與本港的清潔合作社, 對比一下, 了解更多。
合作社體現的，是一種經濟民主的理念, 為了讓參與的工友得到尊嚴的工作, 做一個不只做生意,不只揾食, 關心他人, 能民主協商的理念。