Archive for the ‘半斤八兩–工人之聲’ Category

轉載|【新聞稿】領展商場好刻薄 外判清潔時薪只及最低工資 倡設生活工資9837元 保障基層外判工友

​轉載自 [草根.行動.媒體]

關注生活工資聯盟於去年底至今年初到訪全港36個主要大型商場,訪問177位清潔工友,了解商場清潔工人的工資、休息日及飯鐘情況,並按不同地產商作出比較。聯盟比較了同為恆生成份的新鴻基地產﹙#16﹚、長實地產﹙#1113﹚、領展房產基金﹙#823﹚、九龍倉集團﹙#4﹚、恆基地產﹙#12﹚、新世界發展﹙#17﹚、信和置業﹙#83﹚及港鐵公司﹙#66﹚旗下商場清潔工人的工資情況,發現領展的商場待遇包尾,一般長工只有最低工資節水平,平均時薪比整體平均數低近4元。

 

表一:各商場清潔工人工資情況﹙按地產商劃分﹚

地產商 平均時薪* 較平均數 較生活工資 承判清潔公司 地區
領展 34.3元 – 3.8 – 13 惠康 黃大仙、樂富
港鐵 34.5元 – 3.6 – 12.8 雅潔、永順 荃灣、九龍灣、將軍澳
新世界 35.6元 – 2.5 – 11.7 惠康、力生 荃灣、九龍灣
長實 35.7元 – 2.4 – 11.6 莊臣 調景嶺
新鴻基 37.2元 – 0.9 – 10.1 增力、永順、力新、惠康 觀塘、將軍澳、屯門、元朗、銅鑼灣、將軍澳、荃灣、旺角、沙田、葵芳
恆地 38.0元 – 0.1 – 9.3 寶豐、永亮 將軍澳、荃灣
信和 40.3元 + 2.2 -7 恆毅 屯門、荃灣、旺角
九倉 40.5元 + 2.4 -6.8 力新、時運 尖沙咀、鑽石山
平均 38.1   -9.2

*不論受訪月薪工友休息日是否有薪,均採用「月薪÷26天÷工時」的計算方法,以達到一致的比較方式。

 

盈利能力佳卻工資最低  領展刻薄商場清潔工人

其中,領展是以租務為主的企業,在各財團中盈利能力最強的,經營利潤率高達191.37%,去年收益達92.6億,顯示領展絕對有能力在保持盈利同時投放資源改善基層外判工人的待遇。但事實卻是領展在2015至16年度,曾六度回購市場上的股份,斥資合共500億以減少股份流通量去托市,卻未有關顧清潔工人工資過低的問題,令工人承受僅高於最低工資水平的時薪,更大幅低於同類型崗位,間接由政府製造在職貧窮。

 

表二:各商場清潔工人工資情況對比地產商盈利能力

地產商 平均時薪* 較平均數 較生活工資 市值#(億元) 盈利 (億元) 經營利潤率@
領展 34.3元 – 3.8 – 13 1237.07 163(2016/03) 199.18%
港鐵 34.5元 – 3.6 – 12.8 2622.58 103(2016/12) 25.91%
新世界 35.6元 – 2.5 – 11.7 926.20 87(2016/06) 27.84%
長實 35.7元 – 2.4 – 11.6 2046.49 194(2016/12) 39.15%
新鴻基 37.2元 – 0.9 – 10.1 3329.93 327(2016/06) 41.26%
恆地 38.0元 – 0.1 – 9.3 1776.87 220(2016/12) 68.61%
信和 40.3元 + 2.2 -7 817.24 71(2016/06) 54.32%
九倉 40.5元 + 2.4 -6.8 2006.48 214(2016/12) 36.6%
平均 38.1   -9.2      

#根據2017年4月25日16:08資料

@經營利潤率未有計算特殊項目及聯營公司之盈利貢獻,指標反映股份本身之盈利能力。

 

工資過低「唔夠食」  領展商場工人日做15小時

調查同時發現,全職商場清潔工友的工時頗長,一般為10小時﹙約54%﹚,普遍商場清潔工人的工時模式為全更10小時,加半更5或6小時,而非更合理的兩更制8小時加8小時,當中受到現時工資過低的因素影響,令工人需要較長工時以賺取足可糊口的總收入。有於領展轄下商場的工友工時長達15小時,即全更+半更;她向訪談人員表示因為工資太低,需要增加收入而「踩多半更」。而晚上半更的工時,更是不設飯鐘,難度要工友餓住肚皮加班?

 

表三:商場清潔工人工時統計

每日工時 人數 每日工時 人數 每日工時 人數
5 8 8 4 11 5
5.5 6 8.5 2 12 14
6 5 9 21 13 1
7 4 9.5 1 14 4
10 95 15 4
16 1

 

基層生活開支迫人   具能力企業應提供生活工資

自法定最低工資於2011年5月1日實施以來,甲類消費物價指數已由85.2上升至104.5,累積升幅高達22.7%,唯最低工資卻只由28元(此訂立水平本身已較實施時滯後兩年)升至32.5元,僅16.0%;即使於5月1日調整至34.5元,估計仍未能追上物價。針對影響基層更深的劏房租金,情況更是令人憂慮。今年關注基層住屋權利之團體[1]調查發現劏房戶的總住屋開支中位數是4,500元,較2013年勁升高達36.4%,反映基層的住屋開支壓力愈來愈大。

領展,以及各大地產發展商皆屬資產龐大,具盈利能力的大企業,理應履行企業社會責任,保障為其提供服務的工人能應付最起碼的生活所需,不致於承受不足糊口的工資,或被迫要以過長的工時方可換取生計。參考樂施會2016年3月數據,以每人每月基本均衡營養膳食開支,平均佔家庭每月整體生活開支約27.5%為本,得出一個二人家庭最少需要$9,828作為基本生活開支。2016年3月甲類消費物價指數為104.4,而2017年3月甲類消費物價指數為104.5,因此基本生活開支線按通賬計算後應為$9,837.4,按8小時工作計算,基本生活工資應為:月薪 $9837.4,換算後,若8小時工作加1小時有薪飯鐘應為時薪$42﹐或;若8小時工作另無薪飯鐘則為時薪$47元

關注生活工資聯盟呼籲領展:

  • 履行企業社會責任,保障為其提供服務的工人能應付最起碼的生活所需, 實行生活工資,月薪 $9837.4,換算後,若8小時工作加1小時有薪飯鐘應為時薪$42﹐或;若8小時工作另無薪飯鐘則為時薪$47元。;
  • 改善工友的待遇,為非全職工人按比例提供有薪膳食或休息時間。

 

關注生活工資聯盟

2017年7月26日

 

[1]關注基層住屋聯席﹙2017﹚,《基層租戶租金壓力測試調查報告》,立法會CB(2)1024/16-17(03)號文件,http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr16-17/chinese/panels/ws/papers/ws20170304cb2-1024-3-c.pdf

 

 

廣告

轉載|在齋戒月的一個黃昏——祈禱篇 Ramadan at Dusk: Prayers

轉自: 草根‧行動‧媒體

我不怎麼認識伊斯蘭教,姊妹可以跟我溝通的詞彙也有限(「拜神」這個詞是否從公公婆婆口中學來的?),我也只好在一旁好奇地拍著,所幸她們也不介意。有些僱主對此特別介懷,我著實覺得沒有必要,若願意花時間了解,說不定還能有所交流呢——姊妹總說,很多習俗與香港的相似。不過默默地尊重,也算不上什麼難事啊。
I know little about Islam, and there is a language barrier between sisters and me to talk about religion. (maybe the term, ‘Baai san’, was learned from grandpas and grandmas?) I could only record the process with curiosity, and luckily, they didn’t mind at all. Some employers have many concerns about that, which I think it’s unnecessary. If you are willing to spend time knowing more, perhaps a better communication can be reached. Sisters always say, many customs are similar in Hong Kong. Even not, showing respect is not a difficult task.

有關Ramadan的更多介紹 More information about Ramadan: http://wknews.org/node/1479

有關Nurul Hidayah
About Nurul Hidayah

Nurul Hidayah是一個印尼穆斯林姊妹組織,印尼穆斯林移工聯盟(Gabungan Migran Muslim Indonesia, GAMMI)的屬會之一。姊妹假日主要在樂富相聚,一起讀古蘭經;亦會以小組形式,諮詢有關僱傭合約、簽證等問題。詳細介紹請看:http://wp.me/p2HdPx-2fV
Nurul Hidayah is an organization of Indonesian Muslim sisters, one of the affiliates of Gabungan Migran Muslim Indonesia (GAMMI). Sisters always get along with each other in Lok Fu during holidays, chanting prayers together. They will also hold consultation in groups about employment contracts, visas and so on. Click here for detailed introduction: http://wp.me/p2HdPx-2fV

轉載|中飛維修員跟進報導|中飛撤回搵笨新制 所謂轉回舊制依舊搵員工笨

轉載自:[草根.行動.媒體]

%e4%b8%ad%e9%a3%9b%e5%b7%a5%e6%99%82%e5%88%b6%e5%ba%a6%e8%a1%a8-01
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早前,我們轉載了街工文章《老婆大人鬧爆中國飛機服務有限公司 飛機維修員工時驟增-你仲放心衝上雲霄?》,現有關狀態又有新進展,故更進報導。中國飛機服務有限公司(下稱中飛)原本推出新制,稱12月1日起實施,新制把每天8小時工時硬性增至11.5小時,
然而,例如大假、病假、例假等假期,仍以8小時計算,變相補回3.5小時給公司。即員工每放一天假,須補回3.5小時給公司,變相扣減原本可放取假期。(詳見《老婆大人鬧爆中國飛機服務有限公司 飛機維修員工時驟增-你仲放心衝上雲霄?》

新制搵工人笨,工人當然不滿,一齊企硬,拒絕簽署新制,終於令中飛近日撤回新制。

然而,不要以為轉回舊制就好,因原來在這次推出新制之前,中飛已改過一次編更制,即現時所謂轉回[返6放2]舊制,比起再原先的舊舊制,休息時間安排差得多。

[返6放2]舊制和舊舊制,有何分別?

舉一個例子
舊舊制(註1) 返4放2更表:早早早早休休
舊制          返6放2更表:早早午午晚晚休休

以上述返6放2更表為例,第六晚通宵更的收工時段分別為早上6時、7時、8時或8時半,多數加班,再乘機場巴士回家補眠。自改成[返6放2]
舊制,每次輪到休息的日子,前一天都必然要返通宵,即其中一個休息日都用上來補眠,變相員工實質生活上是少了差不多一整日可以自由活動的休息日。中飛編更明顯未有為員工著想,[返6放2]方案也不是真正的舊制!

對於所謂改回[返6放2]舊制,已有中飛員工表示不滿。為何中飛不可真正聽取員工意見,還員工一個尊重員工應有合理休息時間的工時制度呢?

註1:因職位不同,舊舊制也有不同類型更表,如有些是返4放2,有些是返5放2。

參考: 中飛偷換工時概念實錄-給標準工時委員會參考

反對要審要查方案 落實全民退休保障 安心渡晚年 活得有尊嚴

20161120日長者日車隊遊行新聞稿

img-20161120-wa0025

由全港七十多個不同類別的民間團體組成,包括長者、青年、婦女、基層、殘疾及宗教團體,工會及社福機構組成的『爭取全民退休保障聯席』(下稱:聯席),趁著長者日聯合「全民撐退保社福聯盟」及「全民養老金學者平台」,發起汽車遊行,抗議政府在退休保障公眾諮詢後遲遲未有公開諮詢報告及結果,要求梁振英必須兌現競選承諾,落實全民退休保障。

 

過去民間社會爭取全民退休保障多年,並就免經濟審查的全民退休保障計劃提出具體融資方案,經過多方努力凝聚方案共識,現時民間全力支持「全民養老金2064方案」。可惜政府不但未有將方案納入諮詢文件讓市民討論,更自行制定兩個模擬方案,透過假諮詢以抺黑全民退休保障,並企圖操弄結果,逃避對社會的承擔。公眾諮詢自本年六月完結至今五個月,政府一直拖延公開報告,聯席對此表示強烈不滿!

是次車隊遊行共有三十多部汽車參與,接近三百人於鰂魚涌起步點出發,除雙層巴士接載長者及行動不便人士,亦有學者、青年、社福界、政黨等駕駛不同類型車輛,包括輕型貨車、遊旅巴、客貨車、私家車及跑車等參與,突顯社會上不同界別及階層對落實免經濟審查的全民退休保障的堅決要求。

img-20161120-wa0022

車隊約11時到達政府總部,並與市民一起參與集會,集會人數超過400人,並有青年人上演街頭劇,以大型「道具拖板」諷刺梁振英、林鄭月娥及曾俊華對全民退休保障「一拖再拖」。大會發言人批評政府一直拖延公開及交待公眾諮詢報告,並突然取消原定11月21日的扶貧委員會會議,顯示政府無意在本屆任內落實全民退休保障的方向。聯席及各界未來將會繼續要求政府公開退休保障諮詢報告,並促請立法會退休保障事宜小組委員會盡快舉行公聽會,務必邀請政府出席會議公開交待諮詢結果。

聯席強調,最新長者貧窮率依然不跌反升至逾三成,反映香港面對人口老化及長期缺乏退休保障的情況下,政府繼續以施捨及審查方式提供現金援助,並未能有效解決結構性老年貧窮問題。發言人重申,特首選舉在即,相信沒有一位特首候選人可以迴避推行全民退休保障,而梁振英想要連任,首要兌現競選承諾,必須落實推行全民退休保障。

大會重申以下訴求:

  1. 梁振英及特區政府兌現承諾,「唔好走數」,落實全民退休保障;
  2. 政府盡快公開退休保障公眾諮詢報告,切勿黑箱作業;
  3. 扶貧會盡快訂出落實全民退休保障的具體方向及融資方案。

廚盟連戰兩月小勝兩仗  美心限制工時、加薪兼清付加班費

轉載自[草根.行動.媒體]

[草根.行動.媒體綜合報導]

美心集團是香港數一數二的飲食集團,但香港廚師聯盟(下稱[廚盟])認為集團的發展與利潤皆有賴於剝削其廚房員工,今年三月起發動爭取行動,揭露美心薪酬偏低、同工不同酬、工時超長及賣休息日等問題。連串行動近兩月,四月初小見成果,美心承諾將限制最高工時至13小時和月清加班費,不再拖糧。

今月初再下一城,根據員工所講,過往美心人工通常加二百至五百,按職級和表現調整,但今年就從四百到一千元。有洗碗阿姐去年加二百元,今年加了四百元。有不同職級的廚師分別加了五百元及八百元,也有一位年資較長但低薪的員工加了一千元。美心快餐的招聘廣告上,時薪工亦從四十元上調到四十五元。

工時長到賣休息日 同工不同酬氣難平
化名「風雷」的燒味部師傅透露,水吧同事不時一日十六至十七小時,由凌晨五時做到晚上十時,加班補水只是一倍工資。人手不足,公司「買假」,員工連僅餘的每周休息日,也賣出去,以風雷為例,他每個月平均賣兩天,有的同事則四天都賣掉。工時長,還要賣休息日,這個珍貴的休息日也沒有甚麼工半或雙工,與平日一樣工資,生命又少一天,一周工時長遠六十至七十小時。風雷指出長工時連同美心同工不同酬的不公制度,導致即使超長工時,總工資仍然低於同行。

他入職時月薪只有約一萬元,至今月薪約為一萬三千元,「喺呢度,年資係冇價值!」同等職位,相同工作要求,新入職同事的薪酬也與他相若。「咁多年,無功都有勞呀?如果同公司做得長時間係唔重要嘅,點解又要有長期服務金?」

網上有美心非廚房部的前員工見到新聞後回應,指出相似的「補鐘」問題:「咩叫補鐘?就係今日唔夠人,叫你OT,第2日人手充足,叫你早退補鐘,至於早退少做了的工時,就用OT去填數,今個月補唔曬,帶落下個月,咁就成年都冇出過OT!」可見不只廚房部,全個美心員工都在工時超長的壓力下生活。
maxim
加班鐘月月清 點解咁重要?

一位前美心員工指出:「美心一個在香港大型飲食集團,但經常性聽到員工之怨聲,美心員工的工資本來以比市面實際工資為低,加上有些分區經理為了交數,做了很多欺下瞞上的行為, 而員工亦投數無門,所以怨聲是必然現像,曾有經理强行要員工加班,更剋扣員工加班飯鐘,及更因為想營業額做得好,竟將員工加班費分階段出,喜歡就出十個鐘 给你,不喜歡就出兩個鐘甚至暫援不出,曾遇過一位美心員工居然積壓了二百多個加班鐘數!作為一個大型集團,實應好好檢討管理層問題,及應設立一個給前線員 工投訴的渠道,免得一些欺下瞞上的人作惡。而且更應從新檢討薪酬基制,不要和實際市況差距越走越遠,不然只會步向没落!」

美心以勞資協議來回應工時 足見「合約工時」無法保障員工
爭取期間,美心集團就工時部份的回應:「所有員工工作時數,均由勞資雙方協商及同意而落實。」
一直與香港廚師聯盟共同爭取的街坊工友服務處(下稱[街工])表示,這正展示了現時政府與商家為逃避「標準工時」而提倡的所謂「合約工時」(即由僱主及僱員自行在合約內訂明工作時間)根本無法保障勞工。

「工友缺乏議價能力,就算你期望工時不要太長、加班要有補水,結果往往是僱主大石壓死蟹。立法標準工時,則是由政府規管工時,保障員工加班有補水,若僱員拒絕支付,僱員可以追討,正如現時僱員可以按照勞工法例追討欠薪、代通知金等。」

工會與社區齊爭取 [社區勞工化]為工運路向
這連串的爭取行動,包括四月初的一次在總部大堂坐下請願,該次行動看似一個普通的請願,實質並不簡單。一般工業行動通常是一群苦主到僱主或勞工處示威,但該次行動的策略卻有所不同。當日有參與行動的,也有一批非美心僱員的基層市民,包括了葵芳工友組的代表賢珍。賢珍從食客角度出發,她認為員工待遇得到改善,食物水準亦能提昇,同時關注工友的長工時問題,影響家人生活。

街工代表黃潤達提出「社區勞工化」的主張,指出四月初的美心行動由工會與地區街坊聯合籌備,共同開會了解廚師現況和困難,討論時間表及爭取策略。他指出巿場越自由和彈性導致工人分散,大家越要團結起來,靈活發展基層勞工運動,讓這股力量延續下去。

同志仍須努力
廚盟指出,美心整體的勞工待遇仍在同行中偏低,必須改善。同時,廚盟亦指出:「有廚師日做15、16小時,如今定下最高工時,雖然有助紓緩長工時問題,然而我們亦須指出,13小時加上交通時間,其實一個廚師的生活都付諸美心了,比較理想的做法,實為同時再減工時以及調高加班費至1.5倍,方可維持收入又有助健康。」廚盟表示將「繼續組織員工爭取改善待遇,還員工應得的勞動成果!」

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圖片提供: 香港廚師聯盟
資料來源:香港廚師聯盟
https://www.facebook.com/hkchefunion/?fref=nf
街坊工友服務處
http://www.nwsc.org.hk/desktop/

活動推介|工殤論壇-香港之工傷補償及職業安全問題

主辦:工業傷亡權益會

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出門見人 回家掃地 地上有勞工NGO (Go out to meet the friends, come back to sweep the floor — and sweep away a whole floor of labour rights NGOs)

文|趙思樂

刊於東網大陸評論專欄

轉自:草根‧行動‧媒體

12月3日,至少16名廣東勞工權利工作者被警方帶走、抄家或問話,截至發稿時,仍有八人被警方控制。這七人包括四名勞工機構負責人,廣州市「番禺 打工族服務部」負責人曾飛洋、佛山市「南飛雁社會工作服務中心」負責人何曉波、廣州「海哥勞工服務部」(原廣東勞維律師事務所工人培訓部)負責人陳輝海和 番禺區「勞動者互助小組」負責人彭家勇,以及四名與這些機構有工作聯繫的人士,朱小梅、何明輝、三木(化名)、鄧小明、孟晗。其中陳輝海處於軟禁狀態,可 聯繫上但被警方控制不知名地點,其他人均失聯。

警方查抄曾飛洋前同事住處時出示的文書稱「我局在偵查曾飛洋等人聚眾擾亂社會秩序」,而查抄何曉波家的警察則對其妻子稱何「涉嫌職務侵佔罪」。廣東勞工運動人士分析,此波打擊很可能最終指向曾、何兩人。4日下午,何曉波妻子正式收到了他的刑拘通知書。

資深廣東勞工權利工作者肖魏(化名)指出,此次波及的人員全都曾在「番禺打工族服務部」工作,另外據他了解,針對曾飛洋的調查已經持續了一段時間: 大約一周之前,廣州市荔灣區逢源街環衛工罷工,獨立工人新聞平台「錘子之聲」的編輯王福菊在旁圍觀被傳喚,當時曾飛洋也在現場,王出來後小魏得知她被問及 的都是關於曾的內容,而曾飛洋也向小魏表示自己可能會很快被抓。

肖魏說:「這次很明顯是有比較高級的統籌布局。從一些朋友被問話的內容可以看出,當局是要把實際上幾個各自獨立的勞工機構『證明為』由曾飛洋為首的 一個集團,很有可能以此加大監控力度。」他認為,這次對廣佛兩地勞工機構的打擊,布局已久,「向陽花」、「南飛雁」從年中就被要求注銷註冊:「這是當局在 經濟形勢下滑,試圖加大社會控制力度的表現,表面上是打擊勞工機構,實質是在打擊工人的運動。曾、駱、陳、彭的機構都是以積極的姿態推進工人集體談判,當 局打擊他們的機構,其實也是當局對工人集體談判的合法訴求說不。」

肖魏分析:「中國的經濟下滑主要表現在出口數據,鋼鐵,煤礦產業不景氣上,這是中國長期以出口為導向,產能過剩的結構性矛盾的體現,許多分析稱明年才是真正的經濟寒冬,相信到時候當局會更加大力度控制社會,對社會、工人的組織的打壓會持續進行。」

廣東勞工NGO(其他地方幾乎沒有較有行動力的勞工組織)受到警方的密切關注和打壓早已不是新聞,經濟形勢的持續滑坡也暗示著工人運動增多的可能, 但近期並沒有大規模的罷工事件,勞工組織的活動也並不活躍,現有的勞工組織也遠遠沒有組織跨區域罷工的跡象和能力,警方此時大面積「動手」,出乎許多人的 意料。

另一方面,廣東最近其實相當「熱鬧」,一些具有全國影響力的案件被處理。11月19日,聲援香港佔中後被捕的謝文飛、王默涉嫌「煽動顛覆國家政權」 案在一年多後在廣州中院開庭審理;11月27日,2013年初街頭聲援《南方周末》後當年8月被捕,關押已超過兩年、開庭後遲遲沒有結果的郭飛雄、孫德勝 「聚眾擾亂公共場所秩序」案宣判,郭飛雄匪夷所思地被法官親自罪加「尋釁滋事」一條,共判六年,孫德勝判兩年半;在2013年更早被抓的「南方街頭運動」 人士劉遠東,在同日宣判獲刑3年。

延宕多時之後,是什麼讓權力機關集中處理如芒在背的勞工機構和懸置已久的民主抗爭人士呢?

從去年底「佔中」系列案開始,政權安保已從各地為政的「維穩模式」轉向統一部署的「國安模式」,並逐步正式投入運轉。今年針對民間的打擊應當說是從 3月7日的女權案正式開始的,4月女權五姐妹獲釋後,她們部分人所在的反歧視機構「益仁平」被外交部「點名」違法;5、6月有多家與「益仁平」相關的反歧 視機構被調查、部分負責人被抓,各地有大量NGO被騷擾和要求注銷;賈靈敏案5月開庭,唐荊陵案6月開庭;同時屠夫吳淦和山東訪民被抓,「維權模式」大案 初現端倪;7月著名的「709律師大抓捕」正式爆發,各種動作延燒到8月。

8月中到11月,對於飽經「戰火」的民間似乎比較消停,但最高權力仍「忙著」卻是顯而易見。8月是緊鑼密鼓的閱兵準備期,北京全城乃至全國幾進入 「戒嚴」狀態;9月閱兵後緊接著就是訪美和出席聯合國大會;從美洲回來沒消停幾天,就開始了歐洲五國訪問和訪英;10月23日訪英結束,11月上旬大概是 最適合用「暴風雨前的平靜」來形容的時刻(也不是真正的平靜,公安部11月14日宣稱新疆特警經過56日追擊,近日對當地恐怖分子發動「總攻擊」,擊殺一 批恐怖分子)……然後「民間清場」從南方開始繼續。

這種事情就像一個人正在大掃除,但到了時間要出門見幾個朋友,他放下手裏的活,關門(人權律師們都不允許出境)出去,約會結束後回到家,他一邊摁開掃地機器人的「CLEAN」鍵,一邊把早先裝好的垃圾拿出門扔掉。

權力意志看來並不是在治理國家,而只是在治自己家,或者搞不清楚兩者的區別。極權有自己的議程(哦,不是「議程」,沒有什麼可「議」的,應該叫「安 排」),所有它不喜歡出現在自己家裏的人、事、物都不過是待清除的垃圾而已。更可怕的是,極權是無法停下的,它通過清掃來維繫自己的存在感和安全感。

公民權利機構被掃掉了,獨立研究機構被掃掉了,反歧視機構被掃掉了,維權律師被掃掉了,草根行動者被掃掉了,這次輪到勞工機構……再過個半年一年,白茫茫的一片真乾淨。

By Zhao Sile(赵思乐)

On December 3rd, at least 19 labour rights workers in Guangdong were taken away or questioned, or have their homes raided by the police. Up till the publication deadline, ten people were still under the control of the police. Among them, 4 people are person-in-charge of labour rights organizations, including Zeng FeiYang(曾飞洋) of Guangzhou’s Panyu Service Department for Peasant Workers(番禺打工族服务部); He Xiaobo(何晓波), from Foshan Nanfeiyian Social Service Centre(南飞雁社会工作服务中心); Chen Huihai(陈辉海), from Guangzhou’s Haige Labour Service Center(海哥劳工服务部)(previously Guangdong Weiquan Lawyer Firm Workers Training Unit, 广东劳维律师事务所工人培训部); and Peng Jiayong(彭家勇) from Panyu’s Laborer Mutual Aid Group(劳动者互助小组). The other 6 people, including Zhu Xiaomei(朱小梅), Tang Jian(汤建), Xin Minyan(辛敏妍), Chen Yingying(陈莹莹), Deng Xiaoming(邓小明), and Meng Han(孟晗), are related to the above-mentioned organizations because of their works. Among them, Chen Huihai is under house arrest and can be contacted, but is under the control of the police at an unknown place. The other people cannot be reached.

When the police raided the house of Zeng FeiYang’s ex-colleague, they showed a document that says “The authority is investigating Zeng and company’s actions of gathering the crowds to disturb social and public order."  And when they raided He Xiaobo’s home, they told his wife that He Xiaobo is suspected of duty encroachment. Labour rights activists in Guangdong analysed the situation, and said it is very likely that this wave of suppression would be aiming for Zeng and He at the end.

In the evening of Dec 3rd, Zeng、He and Zhu Xiaomei’s families received a formal arrest warrant.

Ye(pseudonym), a seasoned labour rights worker in Guangdong, pointed out that the people affected by this wave of suppression have all worked in Panyu Service Department for Peasant Workers. According to his knowledge, the investigation on Zeng has been going for quite some time. About one week ago, a strike by sanitation workers happened at Guangzhou’s Liwan District Fengyuan Street. Wang Fuju(王福菊), the editor of the independent news platform for workers, The Voice of Hammer(锤子之声), was observing the strike and was taken away by the police. Zeng was also there when the strike happened. After Wang was released, her colleagues learned that the questions she was asked were all related to Zeng. Zeng once told Ye that he expected himself to be arrested in the near future.

Ye said, “It is very apparent that these actions are carefully planned. Our friends were questioned, and according to the contents of the questions, the authority is trying to ‘prove’ that the individual independent labour rights organizations are all under a group leaded by Zeng, and use that as an excuse to increase the intensity of surveillance and control."

Looking at these suppressions against labour rights organizations in Guangdong and Foshan, Ye thought that the authority had started planning for it a long time ago. Sunflower Female Workers Center(向阳花女工中心) and Nanfeiyian had been asked to cancel their organization registration since the middle of the year. “These showed that the authority is trying to increase its control over the society during an economic downturn. It looks like an attack on the labour organizations on the surface, but actually they are trying to suppress the labour movement. Zeng, He, Chen and Peng’s organizations are all actively pushing for collective bargaining. When the authority attacks these organizations, they are in fact saying ‘no’ to the worker’s legal rights to collective bargaining at the same time."

He added: “China’s economic downturn has expressed itself in the form of decreasing exports, and hardships experienced by the steel and coal industry. This is a manifestation of China’s structural contradiction of excessive productive capacity, which was caused by the country’s long-standing export-oriented economic policy. Many people analysed that the real economic winter would arrive next year, and when it comes I believe the authority would increase the intensity of social control even further, and keep attacking the civil society."

It is no news that labour rights NGOs in Guangdong(it seems that outside of Guangdong, there are not too many labour organizations that are relatively proactive) are under the tight scrutiny of and frequently attacked by the police. The economic downturn also means that the workers may fight for their rights more frequently. However, there were no large-scale strikes recently. Also, the labour organizations are not active, and they are far from having the capacity and tendency to organize strikes that encompass different geographic regions. Given that the situation is relatively calm, it is surprising to many people that the police would take such a large-scale offensive at this moment.

From another perspective, however, Guangdong is actually quite “lively" at the moment. On Nov 19th, the trial of Xie Wenfei(谢文飞) and Wang Mo(王默), who were charged with “inciting subversion of state power" after they showed supports to Hong Kong’s Occupy Central Movement, finally commenced in the Guangzhou Intermediate Court, more than one year after their arrests. On Nov 27, after a long wait since their first trial, Guo Feixiong(郭飞雄)and Sun Desheng(孙德胜), who were being charged with “gathering the crowds to disturb social and public order", were finally sentenced. They were arrested in August 2013 for showing support to Southern Weekly (a.k.a Southern Weekend) publicly at the start of the year, and had been locked up by the authority for more than two years.  To the puzzlement of everyone, the judge decided to personally add “affray" to the list of crimes that Guo was being charged, and sentenced him to six years in prison. Sun was sentenced to two and a half years in prison.  Liu Yuandong(刘远东), who participated in the Southern Street Movement and who was arrested even earlier in 2013, were sentenced to three years in prison on the same day.

Why, then, does the authority think now is the time to deal with the thorns in its side that are the labour organizations, and the democracy advocates the authority has been putting aside? Why does it decide to deal with the two forces at the same time at this particular moment, after such a long delay?

Since the cases related to Occupy Central started last year, the authority’s security system had changed its mode of operation. Before, it was in “stabilization mode", in which the local authorities decide what they should be doing. After that, the system started changing into “national security mode", in which the national government is centrally organizing and coordinating the whole country’s security measures. It is probably correct to say that this year’s suppressions on the civil society began with the attack on the “Feminist 5″ who were involved in an action on March 7th. In April, after the Feminist 5 were released, Yi Ren Ping(益仁平), the anti-discrimination organization that some of them were involved in, was picked out and declared illegal by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. During May and June, quite a few anti-discrimination organizations that are related to Yi Ren Ping were investigated, with some of the persons-in-charge taken away, and many NGOs were harassed and asked to cancel their registrations. The trial of Jia Lingmin(贾灵敏)’s case started in May, while that of Tang Jingling(唐荆陵)’s commenced in June. At the same time, Wu Gan, also known as “Super Vulgar Butcher" on the Internet, and the petitioners from Shandong were caught. From these incidents, we started to catch a glimpse of the big cases under “national security mode". Then the famous “July 9th Crackdown" on lawyers erupted, which lasted until August.

From the mid-August to November, it seemed that the situation had calmed down a little bit for the civil society which had been “under fire", but it is also obvious that the authority was still very “busy". In August, the government was busily preparing for the military parade, with the whole Beijing and, in fact, the whole country virtually under martial law. Following the parade in September, the authority visited USA and participated in the United Nation Assembly. A few days after visiting America, the government started the visits to five European countries and Britain, which ended on October 23rd. Perhaps the best description for the first half of November is “the calm before the storm"(Actually that was not really the case, as the Public Security Bureau declared on November 14th that after a 56-day-long offensive, the Special Police Unit of Xinjiang had started an all-out assault on the terrorists and killed a lot of them.) — maybe it only took them a few internal notices to re-ignite the crackdown on the civil society, starting from the South.

It is like a person was cleaning up the house, but it was time to visit a few friends, so he dropped the task at hand, closed the door(the human rights lawyers were not allowed to leave the country) and went outside. After he went home, he on one hand pressed the “clean" button on the cleaning robot, and on the other hand threw the properly-handled and well-contained garbage away.

It seems that the authority is not administering the country; it is administering its home. Or maybe it does not know the differences between the two. A totalitarian regime has its own agenda(OK, not “agenda", since there is actually nothing to discuss. It should be called “arrangement".); if a totalitarian regime sees anything or anybody or any events in its home that it does not like, it treats them as garbage that is to be disposed of. What is more terrifying is that a totalitarian regime cannot stop from doing it: it maintains its sense of security and existence through removing things it does not like.

Civil rights organizations were removed, independent research institutes were removed, anti-discrimination organizations were removed, human rights lawyers were removed, grassroot activists were removed, and now it is the labour organizations’ turn…… six or twelve months later, what we will see is only an unending piece of whiteness.